Check against delivery – Speech by Alain Berset, Secretary General of the Council of Europe
INTRODUCTION
Guten Morgen allerseits. Es ist mir eine große Freude, heute hier in Berlin zu sein – an diesem besonderen Ort, zu einem bedeutenden Anlass.
Good morning, everyone. It is a real pleasure to be here in Berlin to mark this special moment in the relationship between Germany and the Council of Europe.
It is an honor to share this moment — and this stage — with Dr. Anna-Maija Mertens, and with Minister Johann Wadephul, whose presence here today reflects Germany’s continued commitment to the Council of Europe and its values.
I. Germany’s constitution
“Inspired by the determination to promote world peace as an equal partner in a united Europe…”
That line is from the preamble — not of a treaty, but of Germany’s own constitution. The Basic Law.
It was adopted just days before the creation of the Council of Europe.
And when you read the Statute of our Organisation, the parallel is striking.
Both speak of peace. Of co-operation. Of a Europe rebuilt not by force, but by law.
And this is no coincidence.
These two texts were born of the same urgency, and the same idea:
That after a destructive world war, democracy would need more than borders.
It would need values — shared values.
And so the Basic Law begins not with national interest, but with peace. And with the vision of a united Europe.
II. President Zelenskyy’s Message
Not only does this still speak deeply to us today.
This is the message that President Zelenskyy came to deliver at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg just a few days ago.
He spoke of a Europe that tore itself apart — twice in a single century.
But also of a Europe that chose to rebuild:
As a continent of peace.
A defender of international law.
A place where nations learn to respect one another, even after a difficult and painful shared history.
And this takes on a whole new meaning coming from a European leader at war against a nuclear power.
III. UKRAINE
Ukraine is a test of everything we stand for.
And it remains the Council of Europe’s top priority.
Our response rests on three pillars.
First, the European Court of Human Rights — the only international court adjudicating human rights violations committed in the context of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.
Tomorrow, the Court will deliver its ruling in a major inter-state case covering the entire conflict since 2014.
Second, the Register of Damage — launched with Ukraine, backed by broad international support, and already holding 40,000 claims and counting.
With Germany among its leading supporters, the Register is now fully operational.
It lays the groundwork for future reparations through a dedicated Claims Commission.
And third, the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression.
Because without accountability, there can be no lasting peace — not for Ukraine, and not for Europe as a whole.
This is why President Zelenskyy came to Strasbourg: to sign the agreement on establishing the Special Tribunal within the framework of the Council of Europe.
IV. FALL OF THE BERLIN WALL
The Basic Law — and the creation of the Council of Europe — was this moment when law and values became the foundation of post-war Europe.
Another came four decades later, when the Berlin Wall came down.
It was the end of one era, and the beginning of another.
An era shaped by dialogue and trust — from Brandt’s Ostpolitik to the peaceful revolutions that followed.
A wind of democracy spread across Eastern Europe.
The Council of Europe nearly doubled in size.
The promise of human rights, democracy, and the rule of law reached farther than ever before.
But today, many young Europeans — raised in that era of peace and freedom — are beginning to ask:
Can democracy still deliver?
A recent study of 16- to 26-year-olds shows that only half of young people in France and Spain believe it is the best form of government.
In Poland, the number is even lower.
The exception is Germany, where 71% of young people still prefer democracy over any other system — and 61% worry that democracy in their country is at risk.
This is no time to point fingers — but to sound the alarm.
V. MUNICH
Nowhere was this more evident than at the Munich Security Conference a few months ago.
Like many in the room, I was stunned when Vice President J.D. Vance claimed that Europe was turning its back on free speech.
It felt unfair — and unsettling.
But what happens when we stop engaging with discomfort?
When we allow others to manipulate the facts?
For me, the answer lies — in large part — with education.
Because how can we defend democracy if we do not understand it?
Vi. New Democratic Pact for Europe
Education is the first pillar of our New Democratic Pact for Europe.
The second is protection — what we call democratic security.
To invest in our values with the same urgency and resolve as we invest in our military defence.
But we cannot trade the security of democracy for the illusion of control.
And we must not fall into the trap of double standards.
Nothing erodes trust faster.
Nothing fuels extremism more effectively…
Than the belief that the rules are not applied equally.
The third pillar is innovation.
Because our institutions need to adapt — fast — to cross-border, hybrid threats like disinformation, AI, and cyberattacks.
No single country and no single institution can meet these challenges alone.
That is why this Pact must belong to all 46 member States of the Council of Europe.
CONCLUSION
And it is here that I return to Germany — and to that first vision of a united Europe.
A century ago, the German painter Ernst Ludwig Kirchner wrote:
“A united Europe would be the end of wars. And it will come — but when?”
Mr. Minister, ladies and gentlemen,
We have no time to lose.
In the face of war, disinformation, and rising extremism, we need more than hope.
We need a New Democratic Pact.
We need to treat democratic security as seriously as any military threat.
And we need leadership from every member state — especially Germany.
To stand up for the idea of Europe.
And to prove that we can still deliver — together.
Thank you.